COME EXPLORE WITH ME
November 8, 2019
MAS 620-11 - Topics: Global and Intercultural Engagement
Spring 2019 - Carrie Levesque, Ph.D.
Reflection Paper
With the help of Between the World and Me, I am Malala, Blue Sweater, Sisneros (2008) and the movie, Hotel Rwanda, I have: 1) recognized changes to my approach in addressing cultural issues throughout this course; 2) analyzed how cultural differences, worldviews, and social construction have made me question my thoughts on diversity; 3) considered how my studies will influence future actions and/or growth; 4) examined the ways that I can engage myself in global change processes; 5) found ways to feel compelled to work as a change agent and discovered ways to sharpen these skills; and 6) explored how I will further my education on cultures, communities, and groups that are different from mine.
The biggest change I noticed in my approach towards addressing cultural issues stemmed from the message depicted in Blue Sweater, specifically that my interpretation and perception of foreign aid has shifted. One of the common global ‘cultural issues’ that I have encountered is how foreign aid is portrayed as this great act of service and without it, there is no hope for the local people. However, with the help of the author, Jacqueline Novogratz’s experiences, she tells a completely different story of what foreign aid means for the local community. I was surprised when Novogratz agreed with the local women’s views on the negatives associated with foreign aid, Novogratz’ leaving her position, and her acknowledgment of the impact the local community had on her when stating that she would not help unless specially called upon by the local community. This understanding of foreign aid is completely opposite to what is often heard in Western society in that there is this image that in order for anything good to happen anywhere on the African continent Westerners, especially Americans, must be involved. I think that through the novel, the author really demonstrates how this is not the case by explaining the power and determination of these women and depicting the fact that these communities can come together to create something that was/is not originally thought possible. With this in mind, I think that foreign aid needs to change how it operates to encourage local leadership from within. I think local control will encourage hope and determination in communities that have not always had the chance do so.
In terms of cultural differences, worldview, and social construction, how I think about diversity has changed. For example, I have come to realize and question how diversity is not always encouraged, mainly through the promotion of ethnocentrism (the belief that one’s own culture is best) that is deeply engrained in many societies. As such, if someone is not a member of the perceived ‘superior culture’ (often due to race, gender, sexual orientation, and/or religion), they might be subjected to societal discrimination and oppression based on cultural differences deemed inferior. As a result, not being among the ‘superior culture’, one’s identity might be skewed, further influencing their worldview. That is, these individuals may resent how society constructs the way others view them, thus influencing the way they identify themselves.
Based on what I have learned from this class about multiculturalism, oppression, stereotypes, identity, race and ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation issues, and disabilities, my future will be impacted in three main ways. First, I will apply this knowledge to other classes. As part of a PBS Certificate in Global Studies, I am taking classes which often focus on how race, gender, and religion play a hand in maintaining stereotypes, contribute to discrimination and oppression, and impact self and/or group identity. Second, I will be able to use my knowledge of discrimination and oppression as a working professional to ensure that I do not participate or encourage it in my place of business. From studying abroad, I have seen firsthand the dangers associated with pretending that racism/ethnicism does not exist. It will be important that I, and my co-workers, understand that it exists in society and to be intentional about not promoting discrimination and oppression. Third, I will apply firsthand the knowledge that I have learned about allies as I have a better understanding of what it takes to be an ally to an ally.
I see myself engaged in global change processes through my future job(s). I am working towards securing a job with the U.S. State Department on a NGO where I can travel and find opportunities to improve the lives of refugees and asylum seekers. I have gained some experience by attending a migration and refugee conference in Sweden. I want to attend such conferences, as an American embassy or NGO employee, to development strategies that improve relationships between the ‘dominant’ society and refugee and asylum populations in order to diminish false stereotypes and to discover solutions to overcome systems of discrimination and oppression that these communities often face.
Correspondingly, one of the ways that I will be engaged in global change processes is through being a change agent – but even more specifically by becoming an ally to allies. Before reading Ayvazian (1995), I had not really considered the toll many allies face daily. For example, I had not considered how overwhelming being an ally might be (e.g., constantly stopping the spread of false stereotypes and recognizing their own advantages), possibly causing allies to feel isolated from family, friends, and society at large. Furthermore, if they are allies for a cause that the dominant society disagrees with, many may feel personal backlash from the dominant society that they themselves are apart of. That is why, due to their valuable work in trying to diminish (and overtime, eliminate) discrimination or oppression, I am compelled to start learning about how I can be an ally to an ally so that they can continue promoting and advocating for those communities facing backlash. With this in mind, my first steps towards becoming an ally to allies will include 1) continuing to research ways to be a better ally (e.g., attending educational sessions on working to become a better listener) and 2) seeking opportunities to learn from other allies (e.g., meeting with allies to hear what they would specifically want from another ally). As a result, I believe that I will have the chance to enhance my intercultural engagement skills (possibly working with those outside of my own culture), my communication skills (i.e., be a better listener), and my advocacy skills.
Finally, I would say that ways I can actually see myself continuing to learn about other cultures, communities, and groups different from my own is through traveling. To me, traveling is about having an opportunity to interact with people who speak a different language or practice a different religion from me. By forcing myself to constantly travel and step out of my comfort zone of speaking only English or only being around privileged white young Americans, I will be able to continue to grow, to learn from others, and to recognize that I do face certain advantages (e.g., being white and American) and disadvantages (e.g., being female) in life. Furthermore, by continuing to travel, I believe I will have opportunities to self reflect and will begin to more easily recognize areas of oppression so that I can step back so as to not participate in the discrimination. I believe this is important as “[i]t is when we either ignore the issues others face or when we think we know it all when discrimination strikes hardest” (MAS 620 Module 5 Molly Carter’s Discussion Board Post).
In closing, this course has given me the knowledge and skills to go from being a thinker to a doer.
MAS 620-01 -Topics: Global Human Rights
Spring 2019 - Carrie Levesque, Ph.D.
Training Expedition #2 Report - Afghanistan
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Abstract
“If a woman is free, she’s doing something wrong” (Al Jazeera English, 2015). A report by Global Rights estimates that around 90% of women in Afghanistan experience physical and/or sexual violence at some point in time during life (Al Jazeera, 2015). This has lead many in the global community to acknowledge that Afghanistan is one of the most dangerous places to be born a woman. This violence is habitual and women are repeatedly the victims. For some, they seek refugee in women’s shelters contemplating their next steps, while others have to deal with these volatile situations on their own. Oftentimes, many women turn to suicide as a way to escape from their pain and suffering. Female suicide is an enormous issue throughout the country, with estimates that Afghanistan is one of the few places where female suicide rates far outweigh males’.
There are a number of human rights issues impacting Afghani women – all of which flow from the lack of protection of women’s rights. One, domestic physical and sexual abuse (Al Jazeera English, 2015; Al Jazeera, 2015), usually caused by the husband, his family, and/or the woman’s own family. Two, the practice of forced marriages for girls and women (often by their own families). Three, the general restriction of women’s rights by the government of Afghanistan. Nazir Ahmad Hanafi, a Member of Parliament (MP), is fighting back against laws protecting women from violence. Hanafi believes in fighting against domestic violence laws meant to protect women because he believes that they can be misused. For example, he believes that with these laws in place, women can falsely claim rape or abuse with their husbands subsequently punished, which Hanafi believes is unjust (Al Jazeera English, 2015).
Context and Evidence
With a two-thousand-year long history of fighting for independence from those such as Alexander the Great to the British, Afghanistan has always been dominated and influenced by outside forces (Yassari & Saboory, 2019). It was not until August 1919 that Afghanistan gained independence from Great Britain and later introduced the Family Code law (banning child marriages) in 1921 (Women War & Peace II, 2011). Afghanistan instituted its first formally written constitution in 1923 which included basic freedoms (e.g., freedom from torture and the right to an education) never before seen by the Afghan people (Yassari & Saboory, 2019). Even though various changes for women were publicly introduced, it was not until 1959 that things started changing in favor of women – no state-enforced veiling (1959), women allowed to participate in politics (1964), and when the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan took over, they separated religion and government, banned burquas, and raised the minimum marriage age (1978). These laws protecting women’s rights started to change once the Soviet Union withdrew from Afghanistan (1988), civil war between tribes and the mujahedeen (guerilla fighters) broke out, and the Taliban (an extremist militia) took over, establishing Sharia Law as the rule of law (1996) (Women War & Peace II, 2011; Feminist Majority Foundation, 2014). Under the Taliban’s leadership, women had no human rights - women had to fully veil themselves with a burqua, were not allowed outside without male relatives, were not allowed to work, or even wear white socks (Women War & Peace II, 2011; WAPHA, 2019; and Feminist Majority Foundation, 2014). Those who were caught not abiding by the rules were often stoned, beat, hung, and/or killed (Feminist Majority Foundation, 2014). After the Taliban lost power (2001) and American and British forces invaded (2001), the U.S. used the national plight of empowering Afghan women and children to execute “aggressive foreign policy to ensure its own [American] national security” (Farrell & McDermott, 2005). Now, legal pluralism (a combination of Islamic law, local customary law, and state legislation) makes up the law-abiding system in Afghanistan. Today, the main issue Afghanistan faces is that they lack one legal system that can properly enforce laws effectively (Yassari & Saboory, 2019).
Efforts to Date
There have been several efforts to help resolve human rights abuses towards women. First, as highlighted by Al Jazeera English (2015), women’s shelters are trying to protect women who have run away from their families. However, due to outside pressures such as lack of shelters (there are only 14 in all of Afghanistan) and the fact that many powerful people (i.e., MPs) want these shelters disbanded, few women are protected. Second, since its 1977 creation, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA), an organization fighting for women’s human rights has established schools, hospitals, and training programs for women (About RAWA, 1997-2019). Additional efforts include the Feminist Majority Foundation which successfully led campaigns to prevent gender apartheid in Afghanistan and started an Afghan Women’s Scholarship program which has sent 29 women to universities in the U.S (Feminist Majority Foundation, 2014) and ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Even though Afghanistan signed the CEDAW treaty requiring equality for women, the government has not upheld its rules by introducing such acts as the Shia Personal Status Law (Barr, 2013).
Theoretical Foundations
Likely because of the “War on Terrorism”, the global community has focused on the clear violations of Afghani women’s rights. First, there are around 13 articles (Articles 1-5, 7, 10, 12, 16, 18-20, and 26) of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights which are not being met – freedoms of thought (Article 18), opinion and expression (Article 19), and no inhuman treatment (Article 5). For example, violations of Article 26 (right to education) were prevalent during the Taliban’s rule when women were not allowed to go to school; if they were caught, they could be stoned or beaten (Feminist Majority Foundation, 2014). On the other hand, violations of Article 4 (no slavery or servitude) demonstrated that some women were held against their will; were married off by their parents (child marriage), were treated as property, and if they ran away, their ‘master’/husband could beat or kill them (United Nations, 2015). Second, Article 34 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child protects children from all forms of sexual abuse and this could be applied to child marriage for girls (United Nations Human Rights Office of The High Commission, 1989). While child marriage is illegal in Afghanistan, it is still common with the minimum age for marriage being around 15/16 (UNFPA Afghanistan, 2019). Combine this with the 2009 Shia Family Law which allows husbands to engage in sexual relations with his wife regardless of whether she objects (Women War & Peace II, 2011). Third, the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines violence against women as including physical, sexual, and/or psychological harm (Article 1), while Article 2 highlights typical types of violence women may face (e.g., rape, dowry violence, beatings, and sexual harassment) (United Nations, 1993). As noted earlier, these various types of abuse of women are prevalent among Afghani women.
Recommendations
While change might not happen immediately, members of the international community have proposed various recommendations to help Afghani women’s rights. Al Jazeera English (2015) recommended that in order for the society to be violence-free, the mentality for violence needs to change. One way for this to happen is by looking at the “the fragile peace balance in the country” (Yassari & Saboory, 2019). Once Afghanistan has a more stable society, maybe then women can stop living in fear and start living their lives.
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Reference List:
About RAWA. (1997-2019). About RAWA. Retrieved from http://www.rawa.org/rawa.html.
Al Jazeera. (2015b, July 03). Afghanistan: No Country for Women. Retrieved from
https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/101east/2015/06/afghanistan-country-women- 150630115111987.html.
Al Jazeera English. (2015, July 03). Afghanistan: No Country for Women. Retrieved from
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZkanAs-KGFg.
Barr, H. (2013, July 11). Afghanistan: Failing Commitments to Protect Women's Rights.
Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/07/11/afghanistan-failing-commitments- protect-womens-rights.
Farrell, A., & McDermott, P. (2005). Claiming Afghan Women: The Challenge of Human Rights
Discourse for Transnational Feminism. Retrieved from https://uncg.instructure.com/courses/59342/pages/ereserves?module
_item_id=966795.
Feminist Majority Foundation. (2014). The Taliban & Afghan Women: Background &
Campaigns. Retrieved from http://www.feminist.org/afghan/facts.html.
RAWA. (1997-2019). RAWA. Retrieved from http://www.rawa.org/index.php.
UNFPA Afghanistan. (2018, September 09). Child Marriage. Retrieved from
https://afghanistan.unfpa.org/en/node/15233.
United Nations. (1993, December 20). Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against
Women. Retrieved from http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/48/a48r104.htm.
United Nations. (2015). Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Retrieved from
http://www.un.org/en/udhrbook/pdf/udhr_booklet_en_web.pdf.
United Nations Human Rights Office of The High Commission. (1989, November 20).
Convention on the Rights of the Child. Retrieved from
https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx.
WAPHA. (2019). WAPHA: The Facts. Retrieved from
http://www.angelfire.com/on/wapha/facts.html.
Women War & Peace II. (2011, October 25). Timeline of Women's Rights in Afghanistan.
Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/wnet/women-war-and-peace/uncategorized/timeline- of-womens-rights-in-afghanistan.
Yassari, N., & Saboory, M. H. (2019). Sharia and national law in Afghanistan (*).Retrieved from
MAS 620-01 - Topics: Global Economy
Fall 2019 - Jeff Sarbaum, Ph.D.
Unit 5 Discussion - Group 3 Discussion
My Initial Post
If the world were to consider returning to a fixed exchange rate system, there would be both a plethora of associated advantages as well as disadvantages. If a nation had a history of mismanaging their finances and/or of exchange rate volatility (Canvas, 2019), then it would be very difficult for the nation to receive foreign investment. However, with a fixed exchange rate system, such as dollarization, countries such as this would be able to attract foreign investment as this system would stabilize their currency (as the nation accepts another nation’s currency) which in turn would hopefully curb inflation, raise consumer confidence, and increase foreign investments (e.g., dollarization) (Canvas, 2019). As a result, foreign investment would likely increase as investors would feel that their investments are and will be secure in the future. Another advantage of a fixed exchange rate system would be that since a country’s currency is tied to other currencies, it is less likely to experience a major depreciation or appreciation in the market.
On the other hand, there are many disadvantages should the world consider returning to a fixed exchange rate system. With a fixed exchange rate system, nations might be giving up their sovereignty. If Mexico dollarized their economy, then they could lose their symbols of Mexican national pride (e.g., national monuments, historical sites, important leaders, etc.) printed on their money. Their national monuments, their historical sites, their important leaders would be replaced by the US versions. Furthermore, if the world used a fixed exchange rate system, it could be a “target for speculators” meaning that a currency’s value is artificially driven down; if a central bank does not have the means to “prop up its currency’s value... it will have to raise interest rates” which could “cause a recession” (Amadeo, 2019). Ultimately while a nation’s currency is able to gain stability through a fixed exchange rate system, they might lose sovereignty and/or be prey to “‘short’ the currency” (Amadeo, 2019). It seems to boil down to which matters more – pride or stability.
Finally, in regards to the European Union’s single currency fixed exchange rate system and its survival, I do not know if it will survive as some EU nations (e.g., Sweden, Denmark, the UK, Poland, and many others) have not adopted the euro as its currency. According to the European Union (2019), an official website for the EU, Sweden (an EU member) recognizes the Swedish krona as its official currency but “has committed the euro once its fulfills the necessary conditions” (European Union, 2019). This brings up important questions – what are these necessary conditions? When does Sweden (or other similar nations) need to commit to the euro? Is there a specific timeline? What if Sweden never actually commits to the euro? All in all, can the euro still be considered a single-use currency for the EU if only 19 out of the 28 EU member nations actually use the euro?
Amadeo, K. (2019, June 25). Fixed exchange rates, with pros, cons and examples. Retrieved from
https://www.thebalance.com/fixed-exchange-rate-definition-pros-cons-examples-3306257.
European Union. (2019, September 13). Sverige. Retrieved from https://europa.eu/european-
union/about-eu/countries/member-countries/sweden_en
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My Responses
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Response 1:
Should the world return to a fixed exchange rate system? Truthfully, I do not know. As I said in my previous post, there are many advantages but also very important and influential disadvantages should the world choose to return to a fixed exchange rate system. On the one hand, developing countries and/or nations that have a volatile history of currency mismanagement would likely be able to receive foreign investment at a rate they might not have previously seen. In turn, this could help these countries’ currencies strengthen which would aid the nation and its people’s prosperity. On the other hand, if the world returned to a fixed exchange rate system then each individual countries might lose their own sovereignty. For example, with the EU’s single use currency, France does not see the Eiffel Tower on its money nor does Italy see the Colosseum. While this might not matter to some, others might feel a loss of national pride of not seeing important national figures and/or landmarks on their currency. Finally, as I have continued to read more about a fluid vs. a fixed exchange rate system, I really do think the main hurdle the world would have to overcome is – which matters more, maintaining/establishing a currency’s stability or preserving a nation’s pride?
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Response 2:
Hi Ginger,
I agree, I don’t know which is the better answer – should we return to a fixed exchange rate system or stay with a fluid system? The main thing holding me back is that I can see both the advantages as well as the disadvantages of both systems. Like you said, a major advantage for returning to a fixed rate system is that it would likely be easier for developing countries to receive foreign investment as their currencies would likely be stronger. However, a major disadvantage is essentially giving up sovereignty. I would imagine that not seeing national symbols of pride on one’s money might impact a lot of people. Furthermore, maintaining a fixed exchange rate system would be quite costly to maintain. Finally, I like that you brought up the notion that if we were to return to a fixed exchange rate system – how would we even go about it considering that each country is completely different and has various needs? This is ultimately a question that I do not know but will continue to investigate.
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Response 3:
Hi Ginger,
I completely agree. While I don’t know what it is like to give up my currency in exchange for another’s, I can only begin to imagine feeling almost a loss of national pride in seeing another country’s source of pride on my new currency. I know this is in no way similar but when I studied abroad in Sweden, I switched to using the Swedish krona and while I did not ‘give up’ my currency in exchange for Swedish krona, I did feel slightly different not seeing George Washington or Andrew Jackson on my money.
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Response 4:
Hi Andrea,
I liked the points that you brought up both for and against a fixed exchange rate system. As you said, if the world were to revert back to a fixed exchange rate system then it would be less likely for a major increase or decrease in value to occur as all countries’ currencies would be tied to one another. In addition, I think another advantage is that for developing countries who have had a long history of mismanaging their finances, they might now (with fixed exchange) be more likely to receive foreign investment. However, there are many negatives associated with a fixed exchange rate system such as 1) a possible loss of national pride in using one’s own currency (with symbols of national pride) and 2) being very costly to maintain. Ultimately, as I continue learning about a fixed vs. a fluid exchange rate system, I am leaning more towards a fluid system as the negatives (for a fixed system) do in fact seem to outweigh the positives.
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Response 5:
Hi Maya,
Fantastic post! You bring up such an important concept should the world choose to return to a fixed exchange rate system – we should examine both a country’s current and past economic status and strength. It is apparent that for many developing nations, they would likely be the main benefactors as their currencies would be able to stabilize or compete with those of much larger currencies like the US. I also liked that you brought up the fact that if a developing country fixed their currency on a favored trading party, then this could benefit the country as they would be seen as strengthening their country’s economy. Finally, in regards to your questions about the whether the EU’s single currency system will survive – I don’t know either. I also had these questions myself. I see a major problem arising as only 19 out of the 28 EU member nations use the euro. Maybe this lack of consolidation over a currency signifies that fixed exchange rate systems do not work in the long run?
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